鄭文傑｢被送中｣拘押後中英文聲明全文

【真相網2019.11.22】今年8月在深圳被捕的英國駐香港總領事館的前僱員鄭文傑，最近接受英媒專訪時指出，被拘留時曾遭到刑求，強迫他承認英國煽動與暗助香港的｢反送中｣運動，中國媒體則指控他嫖娼。

鄭文傑20日在臉書上發表英文聲明，詳述他如何在香港西九龍高鐵站過境時被攔截並送往中國深圳，以及中國公安如何對他進行嚴刑逼供，以至於他被屈打成招。

他在聲明開頭寫到：我的名字叫西蒙·鄭（Simon Cheng），這是我對2019年8月事件的聲明，關於聲明的幾點說明：
一、我沒有傷害過任何人，也沒有做出對不起人的事，包括任何人以及所有我所愛和所珍惜的人。
二、我否認當局通過非法程序、包括使用酷刑、威脅和脅迫對我提出的任意指控。
三、我不會通過司法尋求補救辦法，因為我對中國透明的司法系統不抱有信心、也不信任，尤其在遭受如此可怕的經歷後。
四、為了保護無辜的人，使他們不至於因這次曝光而可能遇到麻煩，我將採用匿名的方式，並避免提及此案的某些細節。
五、我之所以大聲疾呼，是因為此案有助於了解中國司法程序所存在的缺陷，這符合公眾利益，但我已盡我所能保護個人隱私。
六、我譴責中共喉舌的｢獵巫｣宣傳，尤其是給我插上｢反華｣的政治標籤。
七、我將不對此案做任何評論，因為我尚未完全從經歷過的創傷中恢復過來，並且那樣做會使我更有可能受到報復。

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鄭文傑｢被送中｣拘押後聲明中文翻譯全文

以下是電台節目主持人馬世芳在臉書公布的翻譯內容：

一位希望匿名的好友無償翻譯了鄭文傑的英文聲明稿七項要點之後的細節說明，讀下來驚心動魄。

朋友說可以轉，我就轉了，這位英文程度極好的朋友客氣的說：｢這是鄉民無償翻譯，一定有錯誤的地方，比方說中國警政公安系統的文書程序或官銜什麼一定不夠準確，有疑義還是要以鄭本人的英文聲明為準。｣

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聲明開頭七項要點之後的說明：

鄭本人支持泛民運動，曾參與今年的抗爭，包括在佐登道維護連儂牆海報，但未參與任何非法活動，也未有不法行為。

英國駐港總領事館指示僱員蒐集與抗爭有關的情報，以評估發出旅遊警示時機，以及英國公民是否參與抗爭。情蒐的目標包括Telegram群組、連登討論區，以及媒體報導，也包括接近示威群體，打探他們的目標。

鄭認識某些參與抗爭的中國人，有些人曾在港被捕，隨後交保獲釋。鄭也曾組織讀書會，主題是與中國社會及香港有關的社會科學議題，參與者有港人也有中國人，背景是政府、金融、法界與文學界人士。

8月8日鄭因公前往深圳，工作結束後曾接受按摩，並與在港獲釋中國友人的家人會面，準備替友人轉交生活費及官司費用。鄭已聽說港人入境中國時會被檢查手機，因此與女友和家人約定會定時聯絡報平安。

鄭自深圳福田火車站搭高鐵返回香港，在西九龍高鐵車站被攔下後送往西九龍車站警局，香港西九龍火車站（中國）警局的制服公安說，鄭被攔下是因為高層指示，公安說不知道原因和詳情。制服公安態度還算客氣，也沒有強取手機密碼解鎖。

接著鄭被用高鐵送到深圳福田警局交給便衣公安，他後來才知道這些是國保特務，特務態度粗暴。偵訊開始前先拍嫌犯照片、捺指紋、被留下所有生化信息（血液尿液等），公安此時尚未取得手機密碼。偵訊期間被綁上老虎凳無法動彈，鄭被逼問英國在香港｢暴動｣中的角色、他本人在其中的角色，以及他跟參與｢暴動｣的中國人的關係。偵訊者說，他在香港的｢反中反黨｣言行可在中國被關，因為香港是中國的一部份。

偵訊一整天后再移往羅湖警局，或許是為了讓拘留時間再延長24小時，或許可以無限期一直這樣在各地公安移來移去讓他無限期被拘留。從此時開始到獲釋為止都不準鄭戴眼鏡，他一直頭昏眼花。

特務在移監警車上放Beyond 的｢大地｣，制服公安說他是從國安局被移送過來，高層指示要控他｢武裝叛亂及暴動刑事罪｣。

在羅湖警局所有入監程序再來一次，偵訊室里有十人，一半是便衣（特務），一半是制服公安，鄭再次拒絕提供手機解鎖密碼。國安特務讓便衣公安主導問話，指控他｢召妓｣，如果態度配合可以減輕罪名，如果只是行政拘留不會留下刑事犯罪紀錄，否則就要面對無限期刑事拘留和重大刑事罪名指控，特務也會嚴刑伺候。他別無選擇只好認罪。

偵訊期間，即使被捕超過24小時仍不準與家人聯絡，公安特務說會把他的案子用公文送交國際刑警組織Interpol，再由Interpol 轉告港警，港警才會寄通知信給鄭家人，但是港警忙著處理香港狀況，所以不知道什麼時候港警才能收到通知。（鄭獲釋後跟家人確認，家人完全沒有收到任何官方通知）

因為行政拘留不需要經過法院正常審理程序，所以不準鄭尋求律師協助。

鄭認罪後特務放心離開偵訊室，鄭被送回牢房等候｢行政處罰裁定｣文件，文件怎麼寫完全由警察決定。

在拘留室里有其他嫌犯向他打探如何通過從軍方式取得美國護照，鄭警覺這些是卧底特務，所以打哈哈應付過去，卧底很快就由制服警衛帶走。

制服公安拿著｢裁罰文件｣要他簽名畫押，但文件上故意把拘留的時間（開始和中止日期）留白，雖然文件上寫的是15天的行政拘留，但起始和中止日留白，就可以讓公安和特務任意解釋他的拘留時期。公安說這項決定來自非常高層，是｢局長｣的層級。

接下來鄭被送進羅湖拘留中心，第一次被上手銬腳鐐，遭裸體檢查和穿囚服。特務可能尚未告知公安他的特殊身份，第一天他被送進有十幾個其他犯人的囚室，其他人可以買水果點心，只有鄭不行。因鄭不準與家人聯絡，其他嫌犯懷疑他是因政治問題被捕，還有人記下鄭在港住家電話，願意出去以後幫他向家人傳口信：說他因香港事件被捕，叫家人千萬不要來中國。

後來鄭又被以涉｢政治罪｣名義帶出問話，問同樣的問題，回拘留室後其他嫌犯都知道他是政治犯，不敢再跟他交談。從進羅湖拘留中心第二天起，鄭都遭單獨監禁，行政拘留嫌犯本來有每周跟家人會面或用電話聯絡至少一次，每天放風兩小時的福利和權利，但鄭通通不適用。

此後鄭每天都被長時間問訊，無從得知確定的獲釋日期，更不知道所謂的15天拘留期過後是否真的會獲釋。

特務在拘留所官員面前強迫他交出手機密碼，硬扯住他的頭髮好讓手機用人臉解鎖，還說懷疑他是英國間諜和特務。在特務施暴之後，鄭交出手機密碼。拘留中心官員也被特務動粗嚇到，特務要求拘留中心官員把他用手銬銬在老虎凳上，官員雖有遲疑但仍然照辦。

在拘留中心每天被特務帶走偵訊，拘留中心主管每天在他被問話之前和之後，都叫醫生替他進行全身檢查。拘留中心的一般公安和負責偵訊的特務分屬不同系統，特務在拘留中心以外地方問話動用私刑較不受監督，假如是在拘留中心以外地點受傷，拘留所主管所負責任也較輕。

被特務帶出拘留中心偵訊時，鄭被上手銬腳鐐，頭戴頭套所以呼吸困難，經常頭昏有窒息感。坐上無標誌的廂型車前要把囚衣反穿以隱藏他的身份，上車後則被要求躺在后座，避免車外人看到他。車行30、40分鐘後抵達不知名地點，經過草地、上樓梯，進入一個小房間。鄭聽到有人移動傢具的聲音，猜想是刑具，鄭說不必刑求他會配合所有認罪，特務說不是刑求，是｢訓練｣。

鄭被上手銬腳鐐後弔掛在X 形鐵支架上，整個人大字撐開連續數小時，雙手高舉血液無法流至手臂，非常痛苦。有時被要求做｢壓力測試｣，例如長時間蹲下或做｢椅子式｣。只要做不到要求就會被特務用尖棍打。特務還會專戳身體最脆弱或發抖的部位如膝蓋。鄭全程都被蒙眼戴頭套。

酷刑偵訊休息時間可以進食，但仍戴著手銬腳鐐和蒙眼，休息時間是政治洗腦時間。比如中國目前不適合施行全面民主，多數人民未受良好教育，治國需要高度專業技術，只能由精選的少數才能者執行。賦權大眾的自由派民主制度是顛倒是非的民粹主義。偵訊者舉哥白尼提太陽中心論遭羅馬教會迫害的歷史例子，展現菁英心態。

酷刑繼續：長時間站立（手銬腳鐐蒙眼頭套），不準動也不準睡著，否則要被罰唱中國國歌。用剝奪睡眠進行非體罰式酷刑。在接受這種刑罰時，鄭一個字也不準說，國安特務表示，鄭必須先說｢報告長官｣徵求許可才能發言，否則會被掌摑，或用不明工具拍擊臉部，可能是尖棍。

其中一名偵訊者操類似香港口音，指控他怎麼膽敢當英國間諜監視中國，連糞土都不如。另一人操北方漢語口音，自稱隸屬特務當局，因為英國使領館被視為間諜組織，而鄭身為英國領事館職員，自然也是間諜組織一部份。鄭被問到是否認識英國國內情報處和國外情報處人員，英國駐港領事館的建築配置，職員證件的樣子。

偵訊者對問答式偵訊法感到不滿，要求鄭主動認罪，最主要是要他配合所謂英國涉入香港抗爭的指控，要他承認英國政府提供金錢、物資和裝備給港人，要他承認曾經主導、參與或煽動暴力示威，要他承認使用自英國政府領取的薪水替在港被捕的中國示威者付保釋金。

鄭發現這些指控非常嚴重，一旦認罪可能遭中國關押數十年甚至被判無期徒刑，因此無論特務施何種酷刑均堅不認罪。

第一周特務發現鄭的腳踝、大腿和手腕、膝蓋都有嚴重瘀傷，下令他回拘留中心時不得告知醫生真相，要說他是自己在拘留中心外滑倒。拘留所醫生有紀錄他的傷勢。接下來鄭有幾天無法行走，特務暫停體罰改打心理戰，第二周仍單獨監禁，3天無人聞問。鄭在這幾天中靠靜坐、祈禱（忍不住哭泣）、唱歌來打發時間並保持冷靜。

特務拿跌打損傷軟膏來替他治傷，希望瘀傷和傷口趕快消失。

後面幾天他被帶到｢集體調查中心｣，公安在此申請房間進行偵訊。在中心內他獲准拿下遮眼布，鄭看到特務在填寫偵訊室的申請表格，還在他的文件上寫著｢機密｣字樣。

鄭在這裡看到十名同遭偵訊的年輕｢嫌犯｣，他們全都上了手銬，穿著橘色囚服。鄭走過走廊時，聽到有人在偵訊室里大喊，｢把手舉高點，你們示威的時候不是高舉雙手揮舞旗子嗎？｣鄭猜想他們正在對香港示威者施以酷刑。

鄭在這裡的偵訊室被指｢避重就輕｣，暗示他選擇對輕罪（召妓）罪名認罪，避開重罪（武裝叛變及暴動）。

鄭被問到為何示威者武力升級和勇武派勢力擴大，鄭說是港人對721元朗白衣人攻擊事件的自衛手段。偵訊者火大，聲稱根本無需花錢雇黑幫攻擊示威者，還說暴徒和中國愛國者理應、而且一定會自發性的越過邊界攻擊示威者。

新來的特務用普通話罵鄭是｢祖國叛徒｣，並引用毛理論｢人民民主專政｣說，當局留意到鄭是所謂泛民主派，但鄭應知中國以民主方式統治多數中國人民，但因鄭是｢國家公敵｣，才會用威權手段對付他。特務還保證鄭必定會不在15天後獲釋，他至少還會再被控以｢顛覆｣罪名，還說可以用個人前途打包票，鄭一定會繼續被關押。

特務顯然認為，鄭沒有在酷刑下崩潰的原因就是相信自己可在15天後獲釋。鄭聞言後喪失生存意志，表示若15天還繼續被關將會自殺。特務說鄭身為任務失敗的間諜本來就該自殺。

此後鄭在拘留室里食不下咽。另一特務再說，假如鄭態度配合，15天後仍有｢重生｣（獲釋）機會，條件是提供更多有關抗爭與英國政府關連的情報。鄭堅持只是抗爭邊緣者，且未參與暴力抗爭。特務回說，｢有些東西比暴力更可怕｣，因為鄭的背景，當局認為鄭有潛力和政治野心，不可能只是邊緣抗爭者，暗示鄭可能是抗爭幕後主謀和英國傀儡。鄭二度崩潰大哭，強調只想返港跟女友和家人團聚，還向特務下跪求饒。

鄭被帶出偵訊室時，看到一名年輕女孩正接受入監程序（手銬、囚服、體檢）。負責鄭案的特務故意說，女孩不過是另一個參與抗爭被捕的人渣，問鄭是否認識女孩，鄭否認。

鄭在移送回拘留中心的無標誌囚車上再被蒙眼，特務要求鄭坦誠說明港人對中國感想。鄭問是否會被送到新疆｢集中營｣，因為在集中營內至少可運動，或者做有意義的事如種樹等，好過在單人牢房裡浪費時間。特務發火說，｢集中營是納粹政權底下才有的｣，鄭改口說是從央視那裡得知有關新疆再教育和訓練中心的消息，特務閉嘴。

這是鄭最後一次被帶出拘留中心問話，自被捕的第11天起（這是他獲釋後的推算，大約是國際媒體開始報導他失蹤的時間點），他都是在拘留中心裏被偵訊，偵訊者的態度也較溫和。進入訊偵室前就有醫生檢查身體，還說這是最後一次偵訊。偵訊室里只有一名新的便衣公安，偵訊時間也非常短，公安強調他被拘留純粹是因為他在中國｢召妓｣，鄭在香港的言行中國公安無權管轄，所以跟他們無關。鄭感到疑惑，這跟他打從被捕的第一天起聽到的說法完全不同。

公安屢次強調，高層領導要看鄭的態度來決定是否在15天後放人，並拿出兩種｢裁決文件｣，一份是原本的15日行政拘留，另一份則是兩年的再教育。公安說，警方有最終權力決定他是否會繼續被關兩年，鄭獲釋後才明白，中國公安有不受法院監督即可片面抓人接受強制兩年｢再教育｣的權力。

公安問鄭第一個問題，是否要通知家人，鄭答要，公安拿出兩年再教育文件叫他簽字，鄭理解公安正暗中威脅他，所以改口答不用通知家人。公安說鄭答得好，這才是正確｢態度｣。問第二個問題：為什麼不用通知家人？因為你覺得丟臉嗎？鄭答｢對｣。第三個問題：你是否被嚴刑逼供？鄭答｢沒有｣。第四個問題：公安對待你好嗎？鄭答｢很好｣。第五個問題：為什麼不找律師？｢太丟臉了不敢請律師。｣接著公安打開攝影機要他錄認罪自白。

先前打過照面的公安進來，拿著七份｢裁決文件｣要他簽名，有些日期依舊留白，鄭展現｢合作態度｣全部簽字畫押。鄭被要求把囚犯名牌掛在胸前，為｢召妓｣錄制自白和道歉聲明。鄭被要求在鏡頭前唸兩份預備好的文件，一份是關於召妓，另一份是關於｢背叛祖國｣。所有文件、書面聲明、認罪影片都完成後，公安表示滿意，並說因為他態度配合，所以會依原定計畫於被捕15天後獲釋，這也是最後一次偵訊。這是鄭第一次聽到明確的拘留期限，篤定自己可以獲釋，因此向公安鞠躬致謝。鄭頭一晚可以安穩入睡。

到了第13或第14天，全新的特務又來對他進行新一輪偵訊，這次維持了48小時，是最久的一次，偵訊室里有3名偵訊者，另五名官員在隔壁房待命。不過官員偵訊態度也是他被捕期間最溫和的一次。帶頭的偵訊者玩白警手段，試圖用鄭的母語客語和他交談，還說自己曾在鄭老家工作3年，認識鄭在中國的親戚和雙親。鄭察覺這是暗地威脅他在中國家人的安危。官員還說把鄭視為老鄉，曾替他在高層前面求情等等，試圖讓鄭以為他是獲釋的最後希望，又說高層認為鄭的合作態度還不夠，最多只是五五打平，意指他還是可能繼續被關。特務再度希望從鄭身上挖到更多情報。負責紀錄的較低階偵訊者說，當局已經刪除了他手機上的所有社交軟體，並已把手機上的所有資料備份，包括內容較敏感的工作郵件在內。

公安印出所有英國領事館指示鄭蒐集抗爭情報的郵件，還有參與情蒐的人員電郵名單，鄭被要求拍下把這些文件｢自願｣交給公安的畫面，還威脅他不得透露此事，否則會被英國政府控告｢泄露機密內部情報｣。

公安要求鄭詳述參加抗爭的內情，還要他解釋勇武派與和理非的差別，問他在Telegram頻道里的勇武派是否具英國軍事背景。公安拿出許多照片要他指認，要他寫下被指認者的姓名、政治傾向、是否屬和理非或勇武派，最後再簽字畫押。中國當局認為和理非與勇武派沒有差別，因為他們互相協調且拒不割席，因此全都有罪。

公安明白表示有大批香港抗爭者被捕後已送進中國拘留，因此他們可以蒐集和比對來自不同來源和被捕者的情報。公安拿出照片問鄭是否曾去過佐登道連儂牆現場，照片非取自鄭的手機，鄭懷疑中國一直派人在香港蒐證。

公安追問鄭和赴港參加抗爭的中國人關係。最終目的是要把英國的金援、鄭本人和他的中國友人串在一起，這名中國友人已於8月11日被送回中國拘留，下落不明。

中國寫好的腳本是：英國是香港抗爭的幕後外國勢力之一，抗爭並非無大台而是有組織的，鄭本人是主謀之一，受英國指使去煽動港人示威，還是勇武派內核人物，跟反中國政府的自由派中國人合作，要在中國發動｢顏色革命｣。鄭擔心當局會繼續控他顛覆、武裝叛變與暴動、間諜、叛國等罪名。

特務還問鄭跟知名｢反中｣政治人物的關係，這些人包括彭定康、周永康與梁天琦，中國知道鄭曾在倫敦和梁天琦碰面，還說一名台灣籍的LSE講師曾介紹梁天琦給鄭認識並一起喝下午茶，國安問這名台籍學者是否打算在台提供梁工作機會，讓梁不必返港受審。不論鄭怎麼澄清，特務堅持要鄭以書面自白畫押，指台灣學者是支持梁繼續從事港台分裂運動的台灣間諜。

特務還問鄭是否有其他假身份，在中國期間是否曾在政府機關外拍照。鄭獲釋後得知李孟居案，懷疑李是因為在深圳與香港邊界拍攝武警集結畫面才被捕。

制服公安進來把召妓相關罪名的文件、書面和錄影認罪自白、道歉聲明再做一遍。國安特務則是把跟｢背叛祖國｣罪名有關的文件與道歉、自白聲明和影片再做一次，還要鄭錄下唱中國國歌的畫面，再把影片用手機寄給高層。特務後來說高層對鄭表現滿意，所以猜想他可以如期獲釋。

特務最後警告說，鄭應謹記親人在中國含辛茹苦把他撫養長大（中國知道鄭的父母是在1970年代文革引發大饑荒後逃出中國，鄭本人在英屬香港出生），還說鄭應照顧中國的老家和祖產。鄭知道這又是當局對他在中國家人和財產的威脅。特務明言，假如鄭獲釋後接受媒體訪問，公開講出任何｢召妓｣罪名以外的事，他就會被再次在香港被捕並送回中國，這是對他個人安全的明確威脅。國安特務暗示，鄭已經是媒體焦點，雖然他得以獲釋，但磨難才剛剛開始而已。 特務也第一次泄露中國黨媒里的特定人名，特務聲稱原本無意使出抹黑手段，但邪惡的外媒讓他們別無選擇只能這麼做。

接下來自稱中國港澳辦官員現身，問鄭對自由與民主的看法，再堅稱西方民主不適用中國的說詞，說教長達數小時，要求鄭選邊站替中國工作，希望鄭獲釋後仍是朋友。其中一名自稱姓王的官員還寫下電話，說會交給拘留中心官員，在鄭獲釋時交給他（並沒有）。王先生暗示說因為他們在港澳辦工作，所以很有機會在香港見到鄭。鄭懷疑港澳辦企圖逼他擔任中國間諜，否則就會被再送中。

直到8月24日凌晨，鄭才被送回單人牢房休息數小時，其後鄭再被帶回拘留中心會見拘留中心高層制服公安，鄭被要求在有裝潢的房間里，坐在軟椅上再次依腳本內容錄制自白影片，意圖讓外界認為鄭在良好環境里受到人道待遇。鄭總共錄了好幾次影片，官員從中挑選最滿意的一支，再指示鄭寫信｢申請提早獲釋｣，理由是｢避開香港入境港口人潮｣。寫完後官員立刻交還鄭的手機、背袋、私人物品、衣物和眼鏡。8月24日清晨5點半，鄭被帶出拘留中心大門。7名便衣及蒙面特務和兩台深圳電動計程車等在門外，鄭上車後約30分鐘抵達羅湖港停車場，又有10名制服和便衣公安在場等候，有人持攝影機拍攝釋放過程。鄭在大批公安陪同下步行通關，其他旅客都大吃一驚，公安在鄭走上通往香港的橋樑時才停下腳步。

鄭此時才得以聯繫家人，他搭東鐵回到九龍，在旅館住了幾天，因為中國公安知道他的住家和宿舍地址。英國領事館官員前來探視。隨後鄭任職單位派外交車輛送他進領事館，讓鄭對英國高官進行簡報，使館安全官要鄭提防遭人跟監，尤其是戴著手環的人。

由於鄭受到中國明確威脅不得透露被拘期間內情，英國領事館給予他7個月的有薪假，讓他到第3地國家避難。

鄭離港前需向港警辦理撤銷失蹤人口案，港警擺出同情態度，還說願派私家車讓鄭到指定地點辦手續免遭媒體包圍。鄭自搭計程車前往指定地點時，的確看到一名戴手環的可疑男子四處張望，男子的廂型車就停在港警的私家車後面。雖然3名港警下車出示警證，鄭仍表示寧可自行搭車到油麻地警局辦手續，港警同意。鄭在警局前下車時，又在警局大門外看到另一名戴手環的男子。鄭懷疑這兩名可疑男子為監視他的中國卧底特務，目的是警告他不得對港警透露內情，這樣港警才不會在官方文件上留下紀錄。港警在辦手續過程態度有禮，鄭只說｢無法回答｣失蹤後經歷，最終順利撤回失蹤人口案。

此後鄭即離港前往第三地，開始與英國政府協調離職方案，英國政府要求他在11月辭職，結束他在領事館2年的工作。

鄭目前正尋求取得居留權和工作、求學的機會，希望外界，尤其是公民社會伸出援手，讓他重拾正常生活並重返勞動市場。

鄭文傑英文聲明全文

https://pse.is/MCP6W

For the Record: An Enemy of the State

The rest of an account
I personally support the pro-democracy movement and joined the Hong Kong protests in 2019, including maintaining and safeguarding the Lennon Wall in Jordan, but I did nothing illegal or illegitimate during the events.
British Consulate-General Hong Kong instructed staff to collect information about the status of protests in order to evaluate travel alerts and whether British[w3] Citizens are involved. This involved joining Telegram groups, LIHKG discussion broad, and monitoring news channels. This also included approaching protestor groups to learn more about their goals.
I knew some Mainland Chinese who participated in the Hong Kong protests. A few of them were arrested by Hong Kong police and released on bail afterwards.
I tried organising a study circle on social sciences, esp. academic books on Chinese society, in Hong Kong. The members are HongKongers and Mainlanders with a background in government, banking, law, and literature.
On 8 August 2019, I travelled to Shenzhen for a business trip. I got a massage for relaxation after work hours, then met the parents of a mainland protestor to bring money back for his living cost to go through the judicial process in Hong Kong.
I had heard the rumours that HongKongers would be targeted at border checkpoints for examinations of cell-phone for evidence of attendance or support of the protests. I arranged with my girlfriend and friends that I would keep reporting my whereabouts and safety.
I was stopped while I was passing through the border from Mainland within Hong Kong West Kowloon Highspeed Railway Station, after I took the high-speed train from Shenzhen Futian Railway Station. The uniformed police wore wear tiny cameras on their shoulders and started to film me.
In the Hong Kong West Kowloon Railway Station (Mainland Chinese) Police Station, the uniformed police claimed they stopped me because of the order instructed by senior officials. They said they don』t know the reasons or details.
They asked for the passcode to access my iPhone. I refused because it is a work phone which contains sensitive work information and private conversations (including political comments criticising authorities) with friends.
From this police station I was sent to Shenzhen by high-speed train and handed over to plainclothes police officers. I later learnt they are from the State Security Bureau (the political/secret police). Unlike the uniformed police who had shown politeness in West Kowloon Station, they were rude and rough and started interrogating me in the Futian police station.
Before the interrogations began, they took ｢prisoner photos｣ (holding a name plate and being photographed all around in front of the height ruler). They tried to connect my iPhone to their computer to extract its content and download a backup (it probably failed as they didn』t get my passcode at that moment), and obtained my biometric information through blood and urine test, full palmprints and fingerprints, etc.
During the interrogation, I was in a cell siting on a steel ｢tiger chair.｣ I had been buckled up on the chair and cannot move.
I was asked three types of question: 1.) The UK role in the Hong Kong ｢riots｣; 2.) my role in the ｢riots｣; and 3.) my relations with mainlanders who joined the ｢riots｣.
Interrogators called me a ｢man in black｣, which is a name usually used for the young protestors in Hong Kong. They criticised and lamented me working for the UK to attract investment leaving the country, while the world is now coming to China and kowtowing to China for better business opportunities.
Interrogators said although my words and actions against the country and the party had been practiced in Hong Kong, I can be punished based on Mainland law once in Mainland China, as Hong Kong is a part of China.
After being questioned for an entire day, I was transferred to another police station in Lo Wu. Police did this so the time in detention for questioning without charge could be prolonged for another 24 hours. Perhaps they can do this indefinitely. From this point until my release, I was not allowed to wear my glasses and felt dizzy all the time.
In the police car, secret police played the song - ｢The Grand Earth｣ by the Hong Kong band ｢Beyond｣. The lyrics mentioned a person need to be separated from the hometown and the family in the coming indefinite future.
The uniformed police whispered that I was handed over from ｢State Security Bureau｣ and a senior leader instructed that I will be charged as a ｢criminal suspect of armed rebellion and rioting｣.
At Lo Wu Police Station, I redid the enrolment procedures (took prisoner photos, body check, DNA test, urine test, biometric info collection, etc). In the interrogation room was around 10 officers, half in plainclothes (secret police) and half in uniform (civilian police). They again asked but failed to get my iPhone passcode.
Secret police let the civilian uniformed police lead the interrogation. They claimed that external sources reported that I ｢solicited prostitution｣. If I cooperate then I will face a less hard treatment. I would not get a criminal record under administrative detention. The alternative was indefinite criminal detention, severe criminal charge and harsh treatment handled by secret police. I have no choice but to give a confession.
During the interrogation, I was not allowed to contact my family even after 24 hours. They claimed my case will be reported to my family by the police sending a written letter to Interpol which will then be forwarded to Hong Kong police, then Hong Kong police will send letter to my family. However, they are ｢not sure when will Hong Kong police know because they are too busy to handle what I clearly know (hinting at the protests)｣. (After my release, I noted that my family actually didn』t receive any official letter about my status and whereabouts).
Because the administrative detention does not have to go through the due process of trial at court, I was also not allowed to call for legal support from lawyers.
After giving a confession, I can sense the secret police were relieved and left the room. I was taken back to a cell to wait for the ｢administrative penalty decision｣ document, which is solely and arbitrarily decided by the police.
During the time in the cell waiting for ｢decision document｣ on penalty, ｢inmates｣ asked me very tricky and unusual questions. One who looked like a slim drug-addict asked how to obtain a US passport to join an army against China. I inferred that they may be undercovers, so I didn』t touch much sensitive issues, and they were soon escorted out of the custody by two uniformed guards.
One uniformed police officer came over with ｢decision document｣ for me to sign with fingerprints. They left the period of detention (from when to when) field blank and ordered me to press fingerprint on it. They intended to interpret the period of my imprisonment whenever they need.
They made a maximum penalty of up to 15-day administrative detention but the paper left blank the space to indicate the starting date. I believe it was a tactic to secretly and arbitrarily incarcerate me for an even longer period.
The police officer told me that the decision had been made at a very senior level – ｢Bureau Chief｣. However, he didn』t elaborate and asked will I lose my job, but I didn』t reply.
After several hours back in the cell, I was handcuffed and delivered to a biometric collection centre for detention. This was already the third time to do the enrolment procedure (prisoner photo, blood test, urine test, etc…) but the first time I experienced being handcuffed, shackled, wearing a prison jumpsuit, and undergoing a naked body check.
Then I was sent to Lo Wu detention centre. I suspect the secret police hadn』t yet told the civilian police and correctional officers in the centre about the sensitivity of my case, so the detention centre managers put me in a cell with around 16 mainland inmates who were minor law offenders.
I had the happiest moment in detention with these inmates, as I finally had a chance to chat, and they were kind and shared pears, bread, biscuits, cakes, and pickles (I was exclusively ineligible to buy all these).
While chatting with these inmates, they had doubts about the police case against me. They mentioned I shouldn』t be sentenced and treated that harshly, and the way and location I was captured was unusual and weird. They believe I was targeted politically.
As they knew I was not allowed to communicate with my parents, one of the inmates agreed to help convey a message after he was to be released after few days. I left my home phone number with a message: ｢I was detained because of what is happening in Hong Kong. Don』t come to Mainland｣.
I was then taken out for interrogation over ｢political crimes｣, with similar questions being asked as before. I was brought back to the cell around midnight. After that, inmates didn』t dare to look at me, and they whispered that ｢we can』t talk to you otherwise we can』t be released too｣. I sensed they were being threatened and warned. Certainly, no message can be sent out.
From the second day in the detention centre onwards, I was held in solitary confinement for the rest of the detention period. The law for administrative detainees』 welfare and rights, which clearly states that inmates are allowed to meet or call parents at least once per week and two-hour activities outside the cell per day, were exclusively not applied to me.
Since then, I was interrogated for days and days, hours after hours. I can』t get double confirmation from authorities what was the exact release date. For sure I didn』t know if it will truly be the end after the proposed 15-day detention.
I was handcuffed and interrogated within the detention centre; secret police arrived and the detention centre staff and correctional officers monitored the whole process. Secret police forced me to open my iPhone by grabbing my hair to do the facial recognition. The interrogator said: ｢We suspect you are a British spy and secret agent｣. After they used violence, I gave my passcode.
Correctional officers and detention centre staff seemed a bit shocked when they saw the violence. Secret police asked them to lock me up with handcuffs on the bar attached to the tiger chair. Although they seemed hesitant, they followed the orders to do so.
In the following days, secret police took me out of the detention centre for interrogations. The head of the detention centre instructed doctors to do a full body check every time I was taken and returned to the detention centre, before and after the questionings.
As the unit which held me (civilian police) and the unit which interrogated me (secret police) are from different systems, I sensed that the secret police are less monitored to do interrogation using torture outside the detention centre. The detention centre managers have less responsibility if physical harm to me is caused outside their facilities.
When the secret police took me out of the detention centre, I was handcuffed, shackled, blindfolded and hooded (so it was hard to breathe). I was not allowed to wear glasses from the very beginning, so I kept feeling dizzy and suffocated.
Before I was blindfolded, I glimpsed a private van outside. They asked me to wear the prison jumpsuit and vest inside-out (for hiding my identity and information from others outside), then I was handcuffed, shackled, blindfolded and hooded. They dragged me into the private van, then instructed me to lay on the rear bench seat (trying not let others outside see me). It felt like a kidnapping.
It was around 30-40 minute drive, then I was delivered to an unknown place. That area was quiet and seemed like a secluded place. I was dragged through grassy areas, went up a few steps, then put into a room. I heard the sound of moving something like furniture, I realised that may be the tools for torture. I said: ｢I will confess whatever you want, torture is not necessary｣. They said it is not torture but ｢training｣.
I was hung (handcuffed and shackled) on a steep X-Cross doing a spread-eagled pose for hours after hours. I was forced to keep my hands up, so blood cannot be pumped up my arms. It felt extremely painful.
Sometimes, they ordered me to do the ｢stress tests｣, which includes extreme strength exercise such as ｢squat｣ and ｢chair pose｣ for countless hours. They beat me every time I failed to do so using something like sharpened batons. They also poked my vulnerable and shivering body parts, such as knee joint. I was blindfolded and hooded during the whole torture and interrogations, I sweated a lot, and felt exhausted, dizzy and suffocated.
When they fed me during a short break between torture (I was still handcuffed, shackled, and blindfolded), they started to do politically correctional education and united front work. They said China is a country where it is not suitable to have full democracy at the moment because the majority of the population are still not well educated, and statecraft and good governance are highly professional skills which can only be managed and handled by a selective and capable minority. The so-called liberal democracy that empowered the mass public could only be populism which justifies what is wrong is right. They gave a historical example - Nicolaus Copernicus - a Renaissance-era astronomer who was targeted and bullied by the mass public just because he formulated a model that challenged the popular (church) belief by saying the Sun rather than Earth is at the centre of the universe. The interrogators showed an elitism mindset.
Sometimes, they instructed me to stand still (handcuffed, shackled, blindfolded, and hooded) for hours after hours. I was not allowed to move and fall asleep, and if I did, then I would be punished by being forced to sing the Chinese national anthem, which they said can ｢wake me up｣. This was the non-physical torture – sleep deprivation - they used against me.
While being subjected to this torture, I was not allowed to say even one word. They said they had a ｢rule｣ that I should seek their permission to speak (by saying ｢report, my master｣). If I didn』t follow this rule, then they slapped my mouth and face with unknown weapons (felt like a sharpen baton).
One low male voice spoke native Cantonese and his accent is similar to HongKongers. He said: ｢how dare you work for the British to supervise Chinese, you would be treated worsen than shit｣. Another male voice with northern-accented Mandarin said: ｢We are from secret intelligence service. You are also part of it [intelligence service] as Embassy/ Consulate is a publicly recognised spy agency. Therefore, you should know you have no human rights in this place｣.
They started asking me if I know MI5 and MI6, anyone who seemingly work for both agencies, the building structure of the British Consulate-General Hong Kong, what floor for what departments and what the staff passes look like, etc.
They were unhappy with the ｢question and answer｣ model, so requested that I proactively confess the ｢crimes I committed｣ regardless of what questions they ask. They expected I can complete their plot about ｢foreign meddling｣ in the Hong Kong protests.
They expected me to confess 1.) UK instigates the riots in Hong Kong by donating money, materials and equipment; 2.) I organise, participate and incite the protest in violent way; 3.) I pay the bail, using my salary from UK government, for those mainlanders who were arrested by Hong Kong police.
Realising the seriousness of the crime they accused me of would probably mean I would be sentenced for over decades or even for life in prison, I solemnly denied the accusations no matter how harsh I was treated.
In the first week, the secret police saw I was seriously bruised on ankles, thighs, wrists, and knees, so they ordered me to not tell the truth to the doctors back in detention centre, and to claim it was because I slipped on the floor during the interrogations outside of the detention center. The doctors jotted down my injuries on the medical record in the detention centre.
Realising I can』t even walk in the following days, they paused physical torture but did more psychological way. In the second week, I was still in solitary confinement with no communication and no questionings for three consecutive days. In this solitude, I meditated, prayed (while I cried) and sang for killing time and calming me down while I faced uncertainty.
The secret police brought ointment and oil to heal my physical injuries, and tried to have my bruises and wounds fade away quickly.
In the following days, they took me out to the ｢collective investigation centre｣ which is a place where police apply for a room for interrogation. I was allowed to take off the blindfold inside the centre. I saw the secret police filling out forms in the reception/ registration counter, and they wrote ｢secret｣ on my case file while applying for an interrogation room there.
Then I saw around 10 young ｢criminal suspects｣ who were receiving interrogations in the centre. They are all handcuffed and in orange prisoner vest. When I walked through the corridor, I heard one voice shout out from one of the questioning rooms: ｢raise your hands higher! Didn』t you raise your hands and wave the flags in the protest?!｣ I guess they were torturing Hong Kong protestors.
In the interrogation room, I was accused of ｢avoided the heavy and choosing the light｣, basically hinting I chose to confess the minor offence (soliciting prostitution) rather than the serious crimes (armed rebellion and rioting).
While asking why the protestors are becoming violent and the valour groups (using aggressive tactics) are proliferating, I mentioned it is a self-defence response to the Yuen Long Men-in-White Attack on 21 and 22 July. It is commonly suspected the triad gangsters and thugs, who attacked protestors and citizens, were instructed and paid by pro-Beijing lawmaker Junius Ho Kwan-yiu, and the Hong Kong police were also suspected of conspiring in the attack. The interrogators felt angry and replied there is no need to pay attackers, because they and other patriotic Chinese should and will voluntarily go across the border and beat rioters, if the border gate can be opened and even removed.
One new secret police came over and behaved very rudely, he pointed at my face and shouted in Mandarin: ｢you are a traitor to the motherland!｣ He also quoted Maoism theory - ｢People』s Democratic Dictatorship｣ that: ｢we noted you are a so-called pro-democrat, but you should know we rule democratically to most of the Chinese people, however, we rule autocratically on you because you are our 『state enemy｣. He also ｢guaranteed｣ that I will not be released after 15 days because I will be further charged with at least ｢subversion｣ afterwards. He claimed that he is prepared to bet his career on my further imprisonment.
He probably knew the reason why I didn』t lose my sanity was because the hope, no matter how grim my treatment, that I was going to be released after 15 days. While facing this hostility, I lost my will to fight for survival, and replied I will commit suicide if there is no definite end of my detention after 15 days. His response was furious and said it should be my destiny, as a failed spy, to accomplish this duty - terminating a life.
After this I had no appetite to have a meal in the room. Another secret police told me I still have a choice to be ｢reborn｣ (released) after 15 days if I act in a ｢cooperative attitude｣ by giving more information about the connection between the protests and the UK. I insisted I was just a peripheral participant and didn』t protest violently. He replied, ｢something is far worse than violence｣, ｢it is impossible you are peripheral from the anti-government movement as we can sense you have potential and political ambition based on your background｣, hinting that I am suspected as a mastermind and British proxy behind the protests.
That was the second time I cried. I mentioned that I only want is simply to be reunited with my girlfriend and family in Hong Kong. I felt deeply sorry for them who are suffering because of my belief in democracy. Then I kneeled and begged for mercy. They rejected it and asked me to stand up.
While escorting me out of the ｢collective investigation centre｣, I saw one young girl who was doing the enrolment procedure (handcuffed, wearing prisoner vest, body check, etc.). The secret police who was handling my case clearly stated that: ｢honestly, she is one of the scums who was caught because of joining the anti-government protest in Hong Kong｣. He asked if I knew and recognised her, I shook head.
On the private van back to the detention centre, I was blindfolded again. One secret police told me to calm down. Another secret police asked me what does the mass public think of China, and said that I can tell him the truth.
I replied: ｢Most HongKongers recognise the speedy business development, mass infrastructure building and technology advancement in recent decades, and do appreciate that people can benefit from such big leaps in modernisation and start to be proud as Chinese in the international arena. However, the growing party-state nationalism prevailing in younger generations had shown intolerance and assertiveness towards political dissidents and those in peripheral regions. When people believe in nothing but power and wealth, it reinforces authoritarianism and economic and military expansion is inevitable. When minorities face the trade-off between 『patriots』 and 『democrats』, and between 『economic interest』 and 『political freedom』, people make a choice and take side. I believe people who are advocating for more liberal democracy are unnecessarily called separatists. If they are welcomed in the country, they can be patriotic establishment[w4] .｣
I also asked if I can be transferred to a ｢concentration camp｣ in Xinjiang if I have to be under unlimited detention for further political charges because I can at least exercise and do something meaningful, such as planting trees while chatting with inmates with better scenery, rather than wasting away in solitary confinement, waiting for nothing in a cell.
Secret police were a bit angry and said, ｢concentration camp is from Nazi regime｣, and asked from which media I heard about this. I corrected myself and said that it should be ｢re-education and training camp｣ which I heard from CCTV. They were silent.
The driver broke the silence and stopped the conversation by criticising me with disdain: ｢cheating for sympathy｣.
That was the last day I was interrogated outside of the detention centre. Since Day 11 (which is the timing I later learned after I was released that my disappearance had been reported on the global news), I was interrogated back within the detention centre again, and they treated me more gently.
In the following days, the secret police summoned me to the interrogation room. This time, before I got in the room, doctor did body check, and told me this would be the last interrogation. In the room, I saw only one plainclothes officer there, and I never ever seen him before. The interrogation is surprisingly short compared with previous questionings. He suddenly emphasised why I was detained is merely because of ｢soliciting prostitution｣, and that what I did in Hong Kong is none of their business as it is out of their jurisdiction. I was confused as what he said is exactly the opposite from what they told me on Day 1.
He repeatedly told me senior leaders were looking into my ｢attitude｣, and he claimed they were undecided on whether to let me go after 15-day detention. He showed two different types of ｢decision documents｣, one is for 15-day detention as originally proposed and signed before, and the other one is for two more years, in the name of ｢Re-education through sheltering｣.
He said the police have ultimate power to decide whether I can be further imprisoned for two more years, and he read clauses about their power out to me. What I later understood (after I was released), is that police have arbitrary power to detain people (claimed to be minor offenders) for enforced ｢re-education｣ without judicial review and endorsement by court for up to two years. This is already a controversial and draconian clause in Mainland China, after ｢custody and repatriation｣ and ｢re-education through labour｣ had been abolished.
He then asked me a few questions: 1.) Do you want your parents to be notified? – I replied yes. He gave the decision document on two-year ｢re-education｣ imprisonment to me for sign. Then I realised he indirectly threatened and instructed me. Then I replied ｢no｣. He said I did very well and that is the ｢attitude｣. 2.) If no, why? Because you feel shameful? – ｢yes｣; 3.) Had you been tortured or enforced to confess? – ｢No｣; 4.) Did the police treat you well? – ｢Yes｣; 5.) Why didn』t you ask for a lawyer? – ｢I am too shameful to ask for help｣. Then he turned on the camera filming my confession.
Suddenly, one uniformed officer came in the room, I recognised him as the one who brought the ｢decision document｣ for me to sign in the custody in Day 2 or 3. He gave me around seven decision papers to sign again, and some content fields (such as dates) are all blank. I had shown ｢cooperative attitude｣ so I signed with fingerprints.
That uniformed officer asked me out to the front lobby of the detention centre, instructed me to take my name plate and to show it in front of my chest, and started filming my apology and confession for ｢soliciting prostitution｣.
I was taken back to the interrogation room, and the plainclothes officer passed two A4 papers to me and requested I prepare two ｢written statements of repentance｣, one for ｢soliciting prostitution｣ and one for ｢betraying the motherland｣. After review, I was asked to recite it, and they filmed it.
After all the paperwork, written statements, and filming of confession had been done, he felt happy and told me that based on my ｢cooperative attitude｣, I will be released as proposed at 15 days and this would be the last interrogation. That is the first time I received reassurance on my exact detention period and future.
I felt extremely relieved and bowed deeply to him, saying thank you again and again. Then he allowed me to leave and go back to the cell. That was the moment I can finally begin to feel mentally stable and have a calmer sleep.
However, they reversed what they decided and around Day 13 and 14 a brand-new team of secret police came and summoned me to have new round of interrogation. This round lasted the longest ever, continuously for 48 hours. 3 officers in the interrogation room, and around 5 officers, as a back-up team, were standing by in the next room. They maintained a gentle manner which I had rarely experienced throughout my whole detention.
One of the interrogators, seemingly a leader of the team, started to have a chat with me gently – a ｢good cop｣ routine. Firstly, he tried talking in my hometown dialect, Hakka, and he mentioned he once served for three years in my ancestral homeland, stating he is familiar with my relatives and parents in Mainland China. I felt that is a double-edged tactics showing a sense of familiarity and intimacy to me, while threatening to target my relatives and family who were, who are, and who will be in mainland.
He claimed he has a deep connection with my hometown and regarded me as his hometown fellow. Originally, he was not supposed to see me but because of his sympathy to my case, he tried his best to meet me and help before the senior leaders make a decision on my case. After doing a background check, he also claimed, he felt very sad that such an intelligent and honourable man with a promising future could be ruined if sentenced to two-year imprisonment or more, and how sorry my family and hometown relatives would be. He reiterated my academic and professional achievements were not easy for someone from a grassroot family, and this should make all those in my ancestral hometown proud. He had tried to show he is the last hope and saviour to get me out.
He mentioned the senior leaders think my ｢attitude｣ is still lukewarm, 50-50, meaning I would probably be further incarcerated. Again, they want to see my ｢cooperative attitude｣ – by digging out more information from me.
Another junior and younger interrogator, who was also responsible for jotting down notes, mentioned they had reinstalled deleted social media apps (Telegram, WhatsApp, and others) on my mobile phone, and accessed and backed up the data on their computers, including sensitive conversations from my work email. He was suddenly interrupted by the senior team leader, hinting that shouldn』t have been told to me.
To ｢the UK』s role behind the Hong Kong protests｣, they printed out the email conversations about the British Consulate』s instructions, procedures and labour division between UK-based and locally-engaged staff to collect information about the protests in Hong Kong, and the list of staff for this mission. They instructed me to film that I handed over the papers to them ｢voluntarily｣, and they warned me not to speak out as I would probably be charged by the UK for ｢leaking sensitive and internal information｣. They also asked if anyone has, or who I suspected has, military or state security background involved in the mission and is collecting information in Hong Kong. They can identify few in the mailing list shown on the papers.
To ｢my role in the Hong Kong protests｣, they asked when, which, and how did I join the protests, and accessed Telegram to search for details. They gave me an A4 paper to write down the difference between ｢valour bloc｣ and ｢peaceful bloc｣ amongst the protestor groups, and what is the ｢reactive valorous｣ (self-defensive vigilante for protecting peaceful protestors) and ｢pro-active valorous｣ (water-revolutionary front hardliners). They found several telegram channels are ｢valour blocs｣ then asked if there was someone who had British military background in the channel. I remember one group had and replied yes. However, I don』t know the details as that is just a ｢reactive valorous｣ group which organised people to do gym and to teach self-defence martial arts amongst the unknown netizens. I was just a channel browser and didn』t join any gathering.
They also asked me to draft an ｢organisational chart｣ of the ｢pro-active valorous｣ group which they had found from my Telegram, then they ordered the back-up team to remodel the chart to be more sophisticated on the computer. Afterwards, they gave me a pile of photos (some are passport-style profile photos), once I recognise someone I know, they ordered me to write down his or her name, their political affiliation, whether they are peaceful or valour protestors, then sign with fingerprints. From their perspective, there is no difference between peaceful or valour protestors as they are coordinated and don』t blame each other, therefore they are the ｢culprits｣ no matter people joined peacefully or violently, legally or illegally. They finally identified few key activists and other peripheral participants.
The secret police clearly stated that batches after batches of Hong Kong protestors had been caught, delivered and detained in Mainland China, so they collected and mutually verified the information amongst different sources and detainees. They also asked if I safeguarded the Lennon Wall in Jordan and showed me a picture of the posters on the wall there. That photo is not from my mobile phone, I suspect they have eyes and ears for gathering information in Hong Kong.
To ｢my relations with mainlanders who joined the protests｣, they asked the details of where, when and how we met, and which protests did we join in Hong Kong. They targeted one of the mainland protestors who had been arrested by Hong Kong police, and asked if he supported the protestor groups by selling equipment, clothing, printed posters purchased and delivered from Mainland China, and what is the networks of people and resources behind him in the Mainland. He is a liberal and was previously a mainland journalist but didn』t survive after facing media censorship. Secret police put him on the target list after he bought and sold books, including sensitive and politically prohibited books, from Hong Kong and Taiwan to Mainland China. Although he is not well-educated and is less respected in society (when I was asked how we met, I explained we both love to discuss social issues in study circles and media groups, some interrogators doubted this, as elitists usually think, thinking it seemed like I discussed a professional subject with a farmer), but he does love reading books. That』s probably the reason that his unhappy experience facing media censorship, the hardship for making a living in Mainland China, and the books from outside of China he read, finally moulded him into a radical liberal against one-party and authoritarian China. This mainlander was on bail in Hong Kong then was sent back to Mainland China on 11 August. Since then, he has been in criminal detention for unknown charges without any updates. He was forced to ｢confess｣ that I helped advise him on political asylum and/ or paid his bail, which I already unequivocally denied. I realise they aimed to financially link the UK, me, and him together.
Summarising three types of question in the interrogations: they firmly believe the UK is one of the foreign powers to meddle with the Hong Kong protests; the protest itself is well organised and not truly leaderless; and I was suspected of being a mastermind and British proxy to incite and organise the protests in Hong Kong, a core member of ｢valour group｣ joining the riots violently, and to instruct or coordinate the mainland liberals against one-party authoritarian system to bring a ｢colour revolution｣ to Mainland China. Rather than finding the truth, the interrogations are more likely to fulfil and prove their pre-written play by filling in the information they want from the detainees. In that situation, I believe they intended to further charge me with either 1.) subversion; 2.) armed rebellion and rioting; 3.) espionage; or 4.) betrayal, as the first and second charges and the further administrative detention by ｢re-education by sheltering｣ had been clearly mentioned and using as threats during interrogations.
The secret police also asked my relations with prominent ｢anti-Chinese｣ politicians and activists, such as Chris Patten, Alex Chow and Edward Leung. While talking about the meet-up with Edward Leung in London, they noted one LSE lecturer/ researcher from Taiwan had introduced Edward and had an afternoon tea with me, asking if this LSE lecturer/ researcher intended to persuade Edward not to face the trial in Hong Kong by providing job support back in Taiwan. No matter how I clarified that lecturer had no intention to encourage illegal and politically motivated action against Chinese authorities, they insisted to include in a written confession signed with fingerprints that they are a ｢Taiwanese agent who aimed to support Edward Leung continuously work on secessionist movement for Hong Kong and Taiwan｣.
They kept asking whether I have second or more fake identities, and if I took any photo within or outside of government buildings in Mainland China. I clearly denied. These questions made me feel they still suspected I am a British agent. After my release it made me think of the 44-year-old Taiwanese, Lee Meng-chu, as I heard and read the news after my release that he had been criminally detained since 20 August for ｢suspected engendering Chinese state security｣ after taking pictures of paramilitary police amassing on the border between Shenzhen and Hong Kong.
One uniformed officer came over and redid the written confession record, apology statement letter, and confession tape for ｢soliciting prostitution｣, then left. The secret police were back and did confession letters and tapes again for ｢betrayal to the motherland｣, and instructed me to sing a Chinese national anthem, while recorded by their mobile phone, then sent to senior leaders. I had shown my ｢cooperative attitude｣. Afterwards, the secret police said the senior leaders are happy about my attitude, and he guessed I would likely be confirmed to be released on time.
Finally, the secret police said I should remember the hardship that my relatives and family had gone through in Mainland and raised me up to be an adult (they noted my parents fled from Mainland China during the great famine just after the Cultural Revolution in 1970s, then I was born in British Hong Kong). They also said I should take care of ancestral house and assets in Mainland. I can sense that is the hidden threat targeting my relatives and assets in Mainland China. Moreover, they clearly stated that if I receive media interviews and speak out anything other than ｢soliciting prostitution｣ publicly, I will be taken back to Mainland China from Hong Kong, that is an obvious threat to personal safety. They hinted I am already on the spotlight of the media, telling me although I will be released, the real ordeal is just beginning. That was the time they leaked the specific name of the charge to the Chinese party mouthpieces. They claimed they originally didn』t intend to play smear tactics but the foreign media, which they described as the true devil, gave them no choice but to go public.
Afterwards, the secret police left for the next room, and two middle-aged men came into the room. They claimed they work for the China』s Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office. They reiterated they were not here to do ｢political correctional education and united front works｣ as they believe I am too well-educated on politics and can』t be persuaded. However, I was asked about my philosophy on freedom and democracy, then they insisted to elaborate the rationales on ｢why western democratic system is not suitable to China｣, and the preaching lasted for almost several hours.
They asked me to take a side and that I should work for my motherland – China. They said although we have different political beliefs and opinions, they are open to listening and discussing because we are still fellowmen as Chinese. They hope I can be their ｢friend｣ after my release. One of the men called himself Mr. Wang, he left a phone number to me (he jotted down the number on a small paper, and showed me; he said he will leave this paper to detention centre staff, and they will give me after I am released. They didn』t at the end however.). Mr Wang said if I need any help or meet any difficulty, then I can give him a ring. He also hinted, as they are working on Hong Kong affairs for Chinese authorities, lots of colleagues are working and staying in Hong Kong, so it is not hard to ｢see and meet｣ me in Hong Kong. It made me think they tried to make me an external source or even spy for Chinese authorities, and it also reminded me of the previous warning made by the secret police that I should ｢behave myself｣, otherwise I may be taken back to Mainland from Hong Kong.
When finished with all the above questionings jointly made by the State Security Bureau and the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, it was already the midnight and early morning of 24 August. They sent me back to solitary confinement in a call for a several-hour break, then asked me out again. This time was the turn for uniformed police who are the senior managers for this detention centre. They politely invited me into a decent reception room, two senior police officers also sit in front of me, asked me to sit on a soft pad chair, and handed me a script (which the questions and answers were totally designed by them in advance) for filming my ｢confession｣ and ｢testimony｣ against a well-decorated background. Through this filming they tried to show I was treated humanely in a good condition and environment, which is not true, as they put specific restrictions on my activities, denied contact with family, and put me in solitary confinement. However, they did treat me slightly better than the secret police in general, and the later interrogators had shown slightly gentler manner than the earlier interrogators. I believe the media coverage had changed their attitude.
They filmed several times and picked the best one. They then instructed me to write a letter to ｢apply for an earlier release｣, and the reason is ｢avoiding the crowds at the port to Hong Kong｣. When finished, they almost immediately packed and returned my phone, bag, personal items, clothing, and glasses, I finally had clear vision. They escorted me out of the detention centre at around 5:30 am on 24 August. Around 10 senior ranking police officers and guards saw me off from the centre gate.
Around 7 plainclothes and masked agents (didn』t even wear badges) surrounded two blue Shenzhen electric taxis parked outside that had been waiting for me. They put me into the front taxi, two sat around me, and one next to the driver, while the others got in the second taxi behind. They kept silent the the entire time. After a 30-minute drive, I was delivered to the car park at the Luohu Port, where around 10 other uniformed and plainclothes officers were waiting for me, some of them wore cameras and filmed this process.
They surrounded me and walked me out through the passage of the port, the people who were also on the same way crossing the border looked at me in wonder. The whole scene was of a targeted person in the police spotlight, which made me feel uneasy at that time. They escorted me through special channel and stopped following me on the bridge toward Hong Kong above the Shenzhen River.
I can finally contact my family, close friends, and girlfriend. I took East Railway Train to Kowloon and stayed in a hotel for a few days, as the Chinese secret police had asked for my home and dorm addresses during the questionings and I did not feel safe there. The British[w5] Consulate officials came and visited.
Later that week, my office sent a diplomatic car to take me to the Consulate building, and I did a debrief on my detention to the senior officials. The Embassy security asked me to be cautious if there have suspicious people follow me, esp. those who wear bracelet.[w6]
In regards to the threat made by Chinese secret police that they can ｢abduct me back to Mainland China in Hong Kong anytime if I don』t behave myself, such as exposing their hidden political motivation and agenda behind my detention to anyone｣, I was granted a several-month paid leave by the Consulate and I have fled to a third place and foreign country for security reasons.｣
Before leaving Hong Kong, I had to cancel my missing person case with Hong Kong police. Two junior and one senior Hong Kong police officers handled my case. One of the juniors has called me since Day 1 after my release and has kept asking me to cancel the case once I feel comfortable. They acted in a compassionate and kind manner, mentioned I was advised to do the cancellation in a private and secure place for better privacy in order to avoid press and public attention. They sent a private van to meet me in front of the Yaumati Catholic Primary School. When I went there by taxi, I saw one suspicious man who was wearing a bracelet standing and looking around, and his van was parked right behind the police』s private van. Those three Hong Kong police officers got down and showed their badges to me. I told them I felt unsafe so refused to get into their car and took a taxi to Yau Ma Tei Police Station myself. Hong Kong police replied that they understood my concern and they agreed to meet me in the police station soon. When I got out of the taxi in front of the main gate of the police station, I also saw another suspicious man who was also wearing a bracelet and was leaning against the wall looking at his mobile phone. There are not many stores, facilities and residences near the front of police station. I suspect these two suspicious men were Chinese undercover agents who tried tracking and monitoring me, a clear warning that I should not say anything to the Hong Kong police about my detention in Mainland China so they do not record it on Hong Kong official papers and police statements.
Inside the police station, I met the trio handling my case. They invited me into a questioning room (which is absolutely more humane and better than Mainland, no ｢tiger chair｣ and ｢cell｣ in the room at least). They asked me what happened and what had I gone through since I disappeared, ｢sorry but I can』t tell｣ I replied. The senior police officer elaborated more: ｢may I know if you don』t want to tell, or you can』t tell?｣ I confirmed that ｢It is - I can』t｣. They nodded and showed understanding, then they filled out the paperwork and finally cancelled my missing person case. They maintained a polite and respectful manner.
After cancelling my missing person case in Hong Kong, I fled from Hong Kong to the third place, and started negotiation on the solution and severance package with the UK Government. I was asked to resign on November 2019 and which ended my roughly 2-year service and employment.
I am seeking asylum by getting right of abode and landing work and study opportunities. However, I cannot do much without concrete support. I am now vulnerable after seeing no concrete support and protection at the moment. I shall try and make a living myself and try to seek help from civil society - I sincerely hope the civil society can assist me in returning to normal life and re-entering the labour market, as now my future is still uncertain and insecure.
I won』t give up the fight for human rights, peace, freedom and democracy for the rest of my life, no matter the danger, discrimination and retaliation I will face, and no matter how my reputation will be stained, and no matter whether my future would be blacklisted, labelled, and ruined.
Simon Cheng